Denaro

Money that pays people to preserve and evolve the heritage of their land

For the healing of the nations. (Revelation 22:2)

Whitepaper, draft v0.1, for comment. Nothing in it is for sale.

How to read this draft. Denaro is an idea with a first design. Some of it is decided and some of it is not. Every undecided point is marked Open. Numbers called placeholders make the design concrete, and they will change. Facts about the world link their sources. Where a rule comes from scripture, the verse is named, so that a reader can check the rule against the text.

1. Abstract

Denaro is a proposed world currency with one job: to pay people to keep the heritage of their land alive and carry it forward, so that staying, returning and building at home become the richer choice. The inhabited earth is divided into homelands, one for each people with a land it calls home, state or no state. Anyone who lives and works in a homeland may claim one denaro a day, the same for the native and the foreigner, witnessed by neighbours and paid before sunset. Each homeland’s share of new money is held as stakes that belong to its people wherever they live, recognized by their own vouching, never by tests; those whose roots run through more than two peoples, or who cannot name them, belong to the multitude and are paid the same. Members who come home are paid to: a homecoming grant, and a heavier share while they live there. Stakes can be leased but never sold, and every lease ends at one instant: Monday 1 October 2074. Borders move only by consent; land taken by force is never recognized. Denaro is not pegged, cannot be redeemed and can lose value.

2. The problem

Money that asks nothing of place. The money the world uses today asks nothing about place. A dollar is a dollar everywhere, and it pays best where work and capital have already gathered. So it pulls people toward the same few places: from villages to cities, and from poorer countries to richer ones. Economists call the gap the place premium: the same worker, with the same skills, earns far more in a rich country than at home. For low-skilled men from 42 countries, the barrier that keeps them from working in the United States is worth more than $13,700 a year to each of them (Clemens, Montenegro and Pritchett, Review of Economics and Statistics, 2019).

People answer the pull. About 304 million people lived outside the country of their birth in mid-2024, 3.7% of humanity (UN DESA, International Migrant Stock 2024). Most keep their ties: migrants send about $700 billion a year to low- and middle-income countries (World Bank, personal remittances). They already pay, from far away, to keep home alive.

Where people go. In 2025, one baby in three born in France had at least one parent born abroad (34.5%), and for nearly one in five both parents were; that year France recorded more deaths than births for the first time since the Second World War (INSEE, births by parents’ birthplace; Insee Première 2087). In Germany one person in four (26.3%, 21.8 million) had an immigration history in 2025, and more than one in three among 25-to-34-year-olds (Destatis); deaths exceeded births by 352,000, the largest gap since the war, births fell to their lowest since 1946, and migration did not fill the gap: the population fell by 110,000 (Destatis). In the United States, 15.8% of the people living there in January 2025 had been born in another country, the highest share since records began in 1850 (Pew Research Center). The European Union has had more deaths than births every year since 2012, so all of its growth since has come from migration (Eurostat, July 2026).

What they leave. Births are falling almost everywhere. The European Union’s rate was 1.34 children per woman in 2024, the lowest on record (Eurostat, March 2026). About two-thirds of the world’s people now live in a country where women have fewer than the 2.1 children that keep a population steady (UN World Population Prospects 2024). The pattern repeats from country to country. The young leave for wherever money is made. The places they leave grow old and empty. The places they reach strain to take them in. Migration brings work, skill and new life to those places, and the strain is still real, on both sides.

What the money owes. The money that pulls people toward the same few places is carried by debt at record levels. The US federal government owed $40.6 trillion on 5 November 2026, about $118,000 for every person in the country, and its debt grew by $2.46 trillion in twelve months (US Treasury, Debt to the Penny). In the year to September 2026 it paid $1.05 trillion in net interest, more than it spent on national defense, $965 billion (US Treasury, Monthly Treasury Statement). Worldwide, governments, companies, banks and households owed more than $365 trillion in the first half of 2026 (Institute of International Finance). In the first week of October 2026 the ten-year Treasury rate reached 5.31%, its highest since 2002; Japan’s ten-year rate its highest since 1996; and Britain’s twenty-year rate the highest in the Bank of England’s daily series, which begins in 2000 (US Treasury daily rates). Denaro pays no one’s debts. It asks a different question of money: not what stands behind it, but where it lets people live (section 3).

What governments do. They have answered with harder borders and more removals. Encounters at the southwest border of the United States fell from 2.48 million in fiscal 2023 to 444,000 in fiscal 2025 (US Customs and Border Protection). Irregular crossings detected at the European Union’s borders fell from about 380,000 in 2023 to about 178,000 in 2025, and by nearly a third again in the first nine months of 2026 (Frontex).

Governments also pay people to go: from 2026 Sweden pays SEK 350,000 to an adult who leaves for good (Migrationsverket), Denmark DKK 168,258 per adult (Danish Refugee Council), and the United States $2,600 and the flight (US Department of Homeland Security). Few take them. The Migration Policy Institute calls such programs “a long history of failure” (MPI), and Europe’s own review found that prospects at home, safety and family matter more than cash (European Migration Network, 2022). Programs that pay people to come home and build exist only for small groups, such as researchers. No money pays ordinary people to stay, or to return, and build where their roots are.

The question. What if money itself paid people to keep their own places alive: to stay, to return and to build where their roots are? What if it pushed no one, paid no one to leave, and paid the native and the foreigner who lives among them the same? Denaro is an attempt at that money. It starts from one refusal: no people is ever to be treated as the problem.

3. The principle

Denaro is money that pays people to preserve and evolve the heritage of their land.

• Preserve. Denaro flows to the people who keep a land’s heritage alive: its language and its land, its crafts and its faith, its families and its institutions.
• Evolve. Heritage is not a museum. Denaro rewards those who carry it forward: new work, new building, new life, rooted in the old.
• Return. Most people leave home because staying does not pay. Denaro pays them to go back: a homecoming grant, and a heavier share of their homeland while they live there (section 5). It never forces anyone. Call it civil return.

Stable, because it keeps the world stable. Denaro is not pegged to the dollar or to anything else. What stays fixed is the rules: a dated release, a daily wage that is the same for everyone, stakes that cannot be sold. Its claim to stability is about the world, not the price: a world where people can thrive where their roots are is calmer than one where everyone must crowd into the same few places.

Mutual respect, many gifts. Denaro assumes a world of many peoples, each keeping its own gifts and valuing the others’: not one blend, and not a row of silos. The site draws this as a twelve-by-twelve matrix: on the diagonal, twelve pure squares, each people with itself; off it, 132 crossings of two. Scripture’s last picture keeps the nations, whose kings “will bring into it their glory” (Revelation 21:24), and its picture of peace is each man “under his own vine and under his own fig tree, with no one to make him afraid” (Micah 4:4).

Five goals. Preserve and evolve the heritage of every land. Ease the pressure on borders humanely, by civil return: nobody pushed, nobody paid to leave, the native and the foreigner paid alike (Deuteronomy 24:14-15). A multipolar world of mutual respect. Borders that move only by consent, with a cost to anyone who takes land by force. Stability that comes from a stable world, not from a peg.

What Denaro is not. It is not a tokenized dollar. It is not a payment to leave anywhere. It is not a test of anyone’s identity. It is not a state, and its map is not a claim on anyone’s territory.

4. Homelands

The rule. Every people with a land it calls home has a homeland on the map, state or no state. Where two peoples share one land, both get a homeland, and the border between them is theirs to draw, not ours. (In the code and the map’s data each homeland is a cell.) Israel is a homeland, the Jews’ own; Palestine is one beside it. The Kurds have one, and so do the Tibetans. Korea is two homelands until Koreans choose to be one.

No fixed count. The site’s first globe cut the land into twelve regions of twelve cells, by an algorithm. A map of peoples is replacing it, with as many homelands as there are peoples with homes: no forced merges, no forced splits.

The first list. A first list of homelands, drafted on 8 November 2026, follows four rules:

1. Every sovereign state gives its main people a homeland: the 193 members of the United Nations, plus Palestine, Taiwan and Kosovo. The Holy See, whose citizenship comes with an office, is folded into Italy.
2. A people without a state gets a homeland if it has a contiguous, named historic land; a million people there, or a majority in one of the state’s main regions, or a territory on a UN list; and some recognition as a people (by the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization, an autonomy, the state’s own law, or the UN). An ordinary federal unit such as Bavaria does not count.
3. A state with two or more distinct peoples of about ten million or more, each with its own language and name, is split along its main regions.
4. A people without a state of its own that straddles borders is one homeland across them: the Kurds, the Basques, the Baloch, the Afar, the Ossetians, the Nagas, the Kashmiris, the Quechua and the Aymara. The Pashtuns, Afghanistan’s main people, are one homeland across the Durand Line as an exception.

The result is 354 homelands: 188 states, 115 peoples without a state, 41 regions of large states of many peoples, and 10 peoples across borders. India, China, Pakistan, Nigeria, Ethiopia, Indonesia, the Philippines and Belgium are split whole, and one or two regions each of Iran, Afghanistan, DR Congo, South Africa and Thailand are homelands of their own. All 17 territories on the UN’s list of non-self-governing territories are homelands. The homelands run from the Pitcairn Islands (about 40 people) to the Mandarin-speaking north of China (about 900 million); the median has about five million. On the globe, each homeland grows over the land from its anchor points, within its own state or states. The lines are a first draft. One change has been made since: the United States is counted by its fifty states, and Canada by its provinces and territories, cut exactly on their own lines. That departs from the four rules (a state of the Union is not a people), and it raises the count; the reason is that those first-level units are where Americans and Canadians already govern their own land.

Hard calls in the draft. Each is a call, and each is open:

• Israel and Palestine are both homelands by the first rule, and so are Taiwan and Kosovo.
• Western Sahara (a territory on the UN’s list), Somaliland (a state in fact since 1991, recognized by few) and Northern Cyprus (the Turkish Cypriot community of Cyprus’s 1960 constitution) are homelands.
• Kashmir is one homeland across the Line of Control. Crimea is its own homeland: an autonomous republic under Ukraine’s constitution, held by Russia since 2014, with the Crimean Tatars as its indigenous people.
• Spain: eight of its regional statutes say “nationality”, and the draft list gives each a homeland. The first map keeps three (Catalonia, the Basque Country, Galicia) and folds five back into Spain; with the United States and Canada by state and province, the globe showed 408 homelands.
• Brazil is in four (from 9 November 2026), after the 2022 census’s map of its largest group by municipality, cut by state. The North and Northeast, mostly 60 per cent or more mixed; the middle (the Centre-West, Minas Gerais, Espírito Santo and Rio, mixed by plurality, Rio a near tie); the South (São Paulo, Paraná, Santa Catarina and Rio Grande do Sul, white by plurality); and Afro-Brazil, the state of Bahia, the heart of Afro-Brazilian life and the state with the highest Black share (22.4 per cent), standing for the map’s Black pockets, which are municipalities. Every Brazilian is counted once: the 20.7 million Black Brazilians to Afro-Brazil wherever they live, everyone else to their region. Each homeland’s people are those its register recognizes, and a Brazilian of two peoples belongs to both, half each. The Indigenous lands the map shows (the municipalities where Indigenous people are the largest group) are six homelands of their own, drawn from IBGE’s municipal borders: Roraima’s (Macuxi, Wapichana, Yanomami), the Upper Rio Negro, the Upper Solimões and the Javari, the Munduruku, the Xavante and the Huni Kuin, each counted by its Indigenous people.
• Peoples inside larger states that hold a heartland of their own at the first level, a majority there or a territory their state’s law names, have homelands of their own (from 9 November 2026), found region by region. In Asia, Oceania and Europe: the Ryukyuans (Okinawa), the Patani Malays, the Kachin, the Mon, the Igorot (the Cordillera), the Ladakhis, the Hazaras (Bamyan and Daykundi), the Nuristanis, the Balinese, the Minangkabau, the Mường, the Thái, the Māori of Te Tairāwhiti, the Rotumans, the Hungarians of Székelyföld, the Albanians of North Macedonia, the Bosnian Croats, the Frisians, the Friulians and the Turks of Kardzhali. In Africa, the Middle East, the Caucasus, Russia and Central Asia: eight more of Russia’s republics (Buryatia, Mari El, Mordovia, Udmurtia, Komi, Adygea, Karachay-Cherkessia, Altai), Karakalpakstan, the Lezgins of Qusar, the Druze of Suwayda, the Souss, Kidal, the Kanuri, the Tiv, the Pedi, the Basotho of the Free State, the Batswana of the North West, the Owambo, the Ovimbundu, the Kongo of Angola, Cabinda, Harar, the Nuba Mountains, and, by reputation since Kenya and South Sudan publish no figures by province, the Gikuyu, the Luhya, the Luo, Kenya’s Somali north, the Dinka, the Nuer and the Zande. In the Americas: the Maya of Guatemala and of Yucatán, the Toledo Maya, the Miskitu, the Lenca, the Afro-Colombians of Chocó, the Afro-Ecuadorians of Esmeraldas, the Kichwa of Napo, the Shuar, the Afro-Panamanians of Colón, Martinique, Guadeloupe, Tobago, Nevis and Barbuda. Some homelands already on the map are now cut exactly by their provinces (Russia’s republics, Nigeria’s four, KwaZulu, Xhosaland, Zanzibar, Kabylia, Panama’s comarcas and others). Left as hard calls: peoples who are a majority of no first-level unit, as African Americans are of no state (Mississippi is 36.6 per cent Black), or whose land is smaller than one. The globe shows 483 homelands.
• Peoples driven out before genesis, no longer on the land, are left out: the Rohingya, and the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh, emptied in 2023. The penalty for force (section 9) may argue the other way.
• The native nations of the United States fail the second rule, because a reservation is not one of a state’s main regions. Near misses that their peoples may want promoted include Sápmi, the Māori, the Navajo, Native Hawaiians, the Ryukyu Islands, the Crimean Tatars and the Assyrians.

A homeland’s line is not a state border. A homeland is not a state, and its line is never a claim of sovereignty. It says where a people’s stakes are counted, and nothing more. The real map of peoples is for the peoples to draw, by the rules of section 8.

The multitude. Not everyone fits a homeland. Those descended from more than two peoples, people of unknown roots, refugees, and anyone who prefers not to say belong to the multitude. Its members claim the same day’s wage wherever they live and work, and the multitude holds stakes like any homeland, its share fixed at genesis by its numbers then, at the homelands’ average per person (section 11). Nobody is asked to choose a people to be paid. Scripture’s picture is “a multitude too large to count, from every nation” (Revelation 7:9).

Open: which near misses to promote; whether peoples driven out before genesis get homelands; how a people missing from the first map gains a homeland after genesis (by a parting, as in section 8, or some other way); the people counts, which are estimates where a country publishes no counts by people (Nigeria, DR Congo, Iran, Myanmar, Afghanistan, Ethiopia).

5. Belonging

Denaro asks two questions about every person. Whose is a land? Its people’s, by descent. Who earns its wage? Whoever lives and works there. The split is scripture’s own: Leviticus 25 returns land to its families, and Deuteronomy 24 pays the day’s wage to the native and the foreigner alike.

Decided.

• Ancestry governs the land. A homeland’s people are those the homeland recognizes as its own by descent, wherever they live. Their stakes are theirs by default and return to them at the release, and their voice is the heavier one in votes on the homeland’s borders.
• Residence counts too, but less, and home counts most. A resident who is not of the people holds a smaller part and a smaller voice. As placeholders, descent counts three and residence one, but a member’s residence in their own homeland counts three. So a member at home holds six parts there, three for descent and three for living there. A member abroad holds three at home and one where they live. A resident of other descent holds one. Coming home doubles a member’s parts in their own homeland; leaving it halves them.
• Residence earns the wage, and nobody is tested. Nobody is tested by blood or papers. Anyone who lives and works in a homeland earns the same day’s wage there (Deuteronomy 24:14-15; Leviticus 19:34).

How descent is recognized. It is not enforced. It is recognized, which is how peoples have always known their own: citizenship by descent, tribal enrollment, parish and village registers, the family lists of Ezra 2 and Nehemiah 7. Denaro records recognition, and puts a price on getting it wrong.

• A claim names a line: the member parent or parents, or the family and the place of origin.
• Members vouch, at a cost. Two or three members of the homeland who know the family vouch (Deuteronomy 19:15). A vouch is a bond. If the claim is found false, the witnesses pay back double what it gave, out of their own stakes and wage over a term: “whom the judges shall condemn, he shall pay double unto his neighbour” (Exodus 22:9), the law for a thing “which another challengeth to be his”. The first witness to confess pays back what it gave and a fifth more (Leviticus 6:5; Numbers 5:7), and the others, found out by the confession, pay double. Each member may vouch for only a few people a year, so that no single hand can fill a register.
• The homeland polices itself. Each homeland’s share of new money is fixed at genesis (section 11), so a false member’s parts come out of their own people’s share alone: every false member dilutes every true one. Whoever proves a claim false receives a share of the bond. A contested recognition goes to the homeland’s vote.
• The register is the homeland’s, not the chain’s. Names stay with the people. The chain holds only commitments: a commitment is a fingerprint of a record, which lets the record be proved later without showing it.
• Children inherit, by their parents’ word, and the register grows as Ezra’s did.
• The first members. At genesis a homeland’s register starts with the residents who are present, recognizing one another. Members at home then vouch in the diaspora.
• The door. Ruth the Moabite said “your people will be my people” (Ruth 1:16), became one of Israel, and was the great-grandmother of David. A homeland may recognize a joiner the same way, by its own vote. No homeland may be forced to.

A genetic test would be the wrong test anyway: a people is a line of families, names and vows, which a register can record and a laboratory cannot.

Gaming it, by the numbers. A false claim gives its holder some amount G: three stake parts abroad, six at home, and the homecoming grant if they come home. If a share q of false claims is found out, the ring that made one (the claimant and the witnesses) expects G(1 − 2q): it loses whenever at least half are found. Paying back only what a claim gave, as the first draft had it, deters nothing short of certain discovery (G(1 − q) is never below zero); fourfold, Zacchaeus’s measure for what he took “by false accusation” (Luke 19:8), would deter at a quarter. The confession rule makes a ring fragile whatever q is: the first to confess pays 1.2G, and the rest are then found for certain and pay 2G, so each member’s silence holds only while every other member’s does. The speed is bounded: if a share f of a homeland’s members collude, each vouching for at most v people a year, three witnesses to a claim, they can add at most f·v/3 of the register a year (with one member in ten corrupt and two vouches each, under 7 per cent). And padding a register wins a people nothing: its share is fixed (section 11), so false members take only from their own people, who have every reason to find them. None of these thresholds depends on the allotment’s size, so they hold at any price. What matters, once, is each people’s count at genesis, which fixes its share for good: the counts are published with the map and put to the peoples before genesis (section 4).

Mixed descent. A person of two peoples belongs to both homelands, half each, and may hold the land’s share in either: the matrix’s off-diagonal made personal, a crossing of two. A person of more than two peoples, or of unknown or unclaimed descent, belongs to the multitude, with the same wage and a part in the multitude’s share, fixed at genesis like every homeland’s.

Paid to come home. The point is to pay people to go home, those already abroad first. Four things pay a member who comes home and lives there:

• The homecoming grant. As a placeholder, a year’s wages, 365 denari of new money, paid in twelve monthly parts while the member lives at home, attested by two or three neighbours as the wage is; once in each fifty-year cycle, so that leaving and coming back again earns nothing.
• The home weight. Living at home, their residence counts three stake parts, not one: six parts in their own homeland instead of the three they hold from abroad, for as long as they live there (above).
• What the wage buys. The same denarius for the day buys more wherever home is cheaper (section 6).
• The homeland’s welcome. The homeland may add to it from its commons, by its own vote (section 11).

Nobody is forced, and nobody’s wage depends on where they come from: the native and the foreigner earn the same denarius for the day wherever they live (Deuteronomy 24:14-15). The pay for coming home comes through a people’s own stakes and new money, never out of a stranger’s wage.

Two warnings. Some will read rights given by descent as a politics of race, and such rights may meet anti-discrimination law (section 14). The answer is the design (a wage that asks no descent, a door open by vow, recognition by people and never by a test) and counsel before anything ships, not hiding the principle.

Open: the weights of descent and residence; how many vouches a member may give each year; the term over which a witness pays back, and the share of a bond that goes to whoever proved the claim false; how a contested recognition is voted; whether an adopted child counts as a child “by the parents’ word”; the size of the homecoming grant and of the home weight, and whether a member who leaves again within a year repays part of the grant; how a person leaves a register.

6. The denarius for the day

The unit. One denaro is one day’s wage. The name is the Italian word for money, from the Roman denarius, the silver coin that was a day’s pay: the landowner in the parable agreed to pay his workers “a denarius for the day” (Matthew 20:2). The plural is denari.

The rules.

• At most one denaro per stone per day, for an attested day of work for the place. (A stone is one person’s account; see section 10.)
• The same for the native and the foreigner who lives in the homeland (Deuteronomy 24:14-15). No homeland rule may exclude anyone by origin.
• Never scaled by seniority: the workers hired at the eleventh hour were paid the same as those hired at dawn (Matthew 20:9-10).
• Witnessed by two or three members of the homeland (Deuteronomy 19:15). Witnesses to a day that was not worked pay back double what it paid (Exodus 22:9), and the first to confess pays back what it paid and a fifth (Leviticus 6:5), as for a false claim of descent (section 5); each member may witness only a few neighbours’ days. Where a denaro buys a day’s food, made-up days are the cheapest theft there is, and this is its price.
• Paid the same day: “You are to pay his wages each day before sunset” (Deuteronomy 24:15). A homeland’s day closes at sunset in its most populous town, or at 18:00 local time where the sun neither rises nor sets that day.
• From its commons, any homeland may give two denari to a stranger in need, as the Samaritan gave the innkeeper two denarii (Luke 10:35).

In law the wage is a grant, not employment: there is no employer. And it is new money, so every wage paid makes each denaro already held a slightly smaller part of the whole (section 11).

Why a flat wage. One denaro a day is worth more where living costs less. So a flat wage makes home the richer choice wherever home is cheaper, with no rule about who anyone is. The native and the foreigner who lives among you get the same denarius for the day (Deuteronomy 24:14-15).

Work for the place. The draft’s scope is keeping a land’s heritage alive and carrying it forward. Farming a field, teaching a language, keeping a church, raising children, caring for the old and building a workshop are each work for the place, whoever does them.

The ration table: the public test of the name. Every month Denaro publishes, for each homeland, how many day-rations of the homeland’s cheapest staple one denaro buys, from public prices such as FAO’s food price monitoring. A value of 1 is the famine line of Revelation 6:6: “A quart of wheat for a denarius.” That quart, a choinix of about a litre, was one man’s daily ration of grain (Herodotus 7.187), and commentators put a normal year at eight to sixteen times as much for the same coin (commentary on Revelation 6:6). The data and the method are published, so anyone can recompute the table. If the table ever shows the name to be false, the name is false.

Open: what counts as work for the place, defined so that no homeland can define heritage by origin; whether witnesses attest each day or vouch once for a standing pattern of work; whether a claim that misses sunset is lost or carried over (the verse binds the payer, not the worker); who computes the ration table, and how the denaro’s local price is measured where few trade it.

7. Stakes and the Jubilee clock

What a stake is. A stake is a share in one homeland: a claim on part of the homeland’s daily allotment of new money and of its commons, and a voice in its votes. Stakes are alike within a homeland and cannot be swapped across homelands: a stake in Wales is not a stake in Yorubaland. They are positions, not money, and they belong to people by the rules of section 5.

Leases. The right to a stake’s allotment can be leased to anyone, resident or not, for denaro. That is how outside money flows into a homeland now: someone abroad, or a stranger with faith in a place, pays a member today for that stake’s future allotments. Every lease runs until the next release and no further, so its natural price falls as the release nears and is nothing at the release. Leviticus prices land the same way, “according to the number of harvest years remaining” (Leviticus 25:15-16), and so does every leasehold, down to the 99-year lease of Hong Kong’s New Territories, which ran out in 1997. Leases may change hands. The stakes themselves never change owner, except by the rules of belonging and the release.

Redemption. No people’s stakes can be bought up from outside. Any member of a homeland may buy back a lease of its stakes held by someone who is not a member, at its value by the years left: “if any of his kin come to redeem it, then shall he redeem that which his brother sold… let him count the years of the sale thereof, and restore the overplus unto the man to whom he sold it” (Leviticus 25:25-27). And no homeland’s commons may lease another homeland’s stakes. So a large people’s money can rent a small people’s income only for as long as no member of that people wants it back.

Never sold, never lent against. “The land must not be sold permanently” (Leviticus 25:23). A stake can be leased, but never sold. Denaro itself makes no loans, and never lends against a stake or a lease. So the release is a known date that everyone prices in advance, not a trap sprung on a lender. Denaro cannot stop private lending, but any private lender can read the date.

The release. Every lease ends at one instant: Monday 1 October 2074, 12:00 UTC. That instant falls inside the Day of Atonement, the tenth of Tishri, at Jerusalem: the day on which Leviticus 25:9 sounds the horn in the fiftieth year, to “consecrate the fiftieth year and proclaim liberty in the land for all its inhabitants… each of you is to return to his property and to his clan” (Leviticus 25:10). After 2074 it comes again at 12:00 UTC on the Day of Atonement of every fiftieth year by the same count: Monday 18 September 2124, Wednesday 5 October 2174, Thursday 23 September 2224, and on (why, below). At the release:

• every lease ends;
• every stake returns to the person it belongs to by the rules of belonging, at home or in exile;
• a stake that returns to a homeland where nobody now lives waits in that homeland’s commons;
• every claim that Denaro itself holds on a stake, such as a false witness’s bond, ends;
• no lock, vesting or delay runs past it, the founders’ included;
• the map is re-read, and every border change consented to since the last release is settled.

On Monday 1 October 2074 (Leviticus 25:9) every stake returns to its own people. The date is in the code, no one can move it, and it is a count we chose, not a prophecy.

Why a date. A stated date is a meeting point people can plan to be home by, which no price signal gives, and the only rule that brings home the stakes whose keys were lost. Christians read the same institution through Luke 4:18-19, where Jesus is sent “to proclaim liberty to the captives… to proclaim the year of the Lord’s favor”; the Greek Bible’s word for the “liberty” of Leviticus 25:10 is Luke’s word for release, aphesis. The release touches only stakes, leases and Denaro’s own claims. It forgives no private debt, because Denaro made none.

Why the Day of Atonement, every fiftieth year. Leviticus sets the release by the moon and the year, “the tenth day of the seventh month” (Leviticus 25:9), not by the sun’s date, and that is the moment the Talmud gives: from the new year to the Day of Atonement of the Jubilee the slaves were neither sent home nor made to serve, and “once Yom Kippur arrived, the court would sound the shofar, slaves would be released to their houses, and fields that were sold would be returned to their original owners” (Rosh Hashanah 8b). The same civil date would keep the day only once: 1 October 2124 is the 23rd of Tishri, thirteen days late. The fixed Hebrew calendar, in use since the fourth century, is arithmetic alone (a mean lunar month and four rules of postponement), so every release for the next thousand years is known today. The realm computes the date by those rules, and its tests hold the first twenty-one releases, to 3074, on which two independent implementations of the calendar agree; anyone can check any of them in a calendar program. 12:00 UTC always falls inside the day at Jerusalem, where on every date the release can take the sun sets between 15:00 and 15:50 UTC and the day ends at nightfall. The releases fall between mid-September and mid-October, never on a Sunday, Tuesday or Friday, 49.96 to 50.05 years apart (18,249 to 18,281 days); a lease is priced to the instant, so the unevenness costs no one anything. The cycle is fifty years, not forty-nine: the Rabbis held that the Jubilee year is not counted in the next seven-year cycle, against Rabbi Yehuda, who counted forty-nine (Nedarim 61a), and the text itself says “the fiftieth year”.

Open: whether a penalty for force survives a release (section 9); what happens to a lease when the person whose stake it is dies; whether a lease is paid up front or day by day.

8. Borders that evolve

Borders change. Peoples unite, part, and drift as life changes. The hard question is who decides that a change was free. Denaro answers with a test that needs no judge:

A border moves only when the people on both sides of it say so, and the people who lived there are still there.

• Consent. A change to a homeland’s line (a union, a parting, a shift) takes a vote of the people of each affected homeland, with descent weighing more and residence less. It passes by a supermajority on each side (two thirds, a placeholder) within a stated window.
• Unions. Two homelands may unite as one, as North and South Korea could if both chose it. Their stakes and their commons combine.
• Partings. A people within a homeland may part from it: first a petition by a stated share of the homeland’s stones, then the same vote on both sides.
• Shifts. A line between two homelands may move as life moves, by the same vote on both sides.
• Presence. The vote counts only if the stones registered in the affected land before the change are mostly still present after it (three quarters, a placeholder), attested the same way the daily wage is. A land whose people have fled or been driven out cannot ratify anything. Its line stays where it was, and its people keep it from wherever they are.
• Cadence. Slow drift with demographics and economics is recognized the same way, in yearly windows (a placeholder), so that the map changes by consent and not by facts on the ground. The release day every fifty years is also the day the map is re-read.

Conquest fails both tests by itself. The conquered will not consent, and if they are driven out, the presence test fails too. Nothing has to be declared a war.

When a change is disputed: the 1:1:1 vote. Everyone has a voice, but those nearest have more. A disputed change goes to a vote in three equal parts:

• one third to the two homelands in conflict, half each;
• one third to the neighbours, weighted by nearness, and not only those that touch the line;
• one third to the world, every stone a voice.

The evidence before that vote is Denaro’s own record: which stones were registered where, and whether they are still attested there. A stated supermajority of the weighted vote either recognizes a change or finds that it was made by force. A change that was never put to the vote, or that fails the presence test, stands unrecognized until the vote says otherwise.

Open: every threshold, share and window above; how nearness is weighted (distance, a shared border, travel time); whether the world’s third counts each stone equally or each homeland equally; the share of stones a parting petition needs; whether every change of a line goes to the 1:1:1 vote or only a disputed one.

9. The penalty for force

When a line is changed on the ground without passing the tests of section 8:

• No recognition. Denaro keeps the old line. Stakes in the taken land stay with the homeland they belonged to, held in that homeland’s commons for its people, present or in exile, until a free vote.
• No wage for the taker. Stones of the taking homeland earn no daily wage for days worked in the taken land, and the taken land’s allotment is never paid to the taking homeland. This is the one place where the wage looks at which homeland a person belongs to. It is a penalty on an act, not a rule about anyone’s origin.
• A cost to the taker. The taking homeland’s own allotment is cut by a stated fraction for a stated term, and the cut is paid into the commons of the homeland whose land was taken: restitution, paid to the displaced.
• Who says it was by force. The 1:1:1 vote of section 8, with the presence record as its evidence.
• The way back. The penalty ends when the line is settled by consent, and the displaced can give consent only once they are back. That makes return the condition of peace, which is the point.

It reaches back. The penalty is not only for wars that start after genesis. Land held by force in a conflict still running at genesis is under it from the first day, judged by the same 1:1:1 vote: the stakes on that land earn nothing and cannot move until the three voices say the line was drawn by consent. The purpose is to defuse what is burning now: to make stopping worth more than winning, and giving back clear the penalty at once, so that the side that returns the land is the side that gets paid.

One honest limit: a penalty paid in a currency that few hold deters few. At first it is mostly a statement, and it grows with Denaro’s use.

Open: the fraction and the term of the cut; whether the penalty survives a release; who counts as “of the taking homeland” (its people by descent, its residents, or both); how Denaro can tell that a claimant belongs to the taking homeland without breaking the privacy of the stone (a zero-knowledge proof of non-membership can do it, at a cost). For wars running at genesis: which line counts as the old one; what counts as still running; and how stakes that “earn nothing” square with restitution paid to the displaced. And older conquests: the draft map keeps Crimea as its own homeland but leaves out the peoples driven from Nagorno-Karabakh and, as the Rohingya, from Myanmar (section 4).

10. The white stone

One account per person. In Denaro, the account that claims the wage is a stone: one per person, vouched for by two or three witnesses of the homeland (Deuteronomy 19:15), who also help recover a lost one. A stone is never issued by a state, and no part of the body is ever scanned: no biometrics, ever. Its name is known only to its holder, as with “a white stone inscribed with a new name, known only to the one who receives it” (Revelation 2:17).

Needed only for the gift. The stone is needed only to claim the daily wage, never to buy, sell or send, and the code and the copy will both say so.

What it is not. Revelation 13:16-17 describes a mark on the right hand or the forehead, imposed on all, bearing the beast’s name, without which “no one could buy or sell.” The Greek word, charagma, was the imperial stamp on deeds of sale (Deissmann, Light from the Ancient East). The stone is its visible opposite, and anyone can check the contrast. The mark is on the body, visible, imposed, and required in order to trade. The stone is off the body, secret, vouched for by neighbours, and required for nothing but the gift.

How the chain can pay a stone without knowing whose it is. The candidate mechanism is a zero-knowledge proof: a short piece of mathematics that proves a statement true without revealing anything else. Each homeland’s list of stones is kept on the chain as one fingerprint, a Merkle root, from which membership in a long list can be proved. To claim a day’s wage, the holder’s phone proves: “I hold a stone in this homeland’s list, my witnesses attested today, and here is my tag for today.” The tag, called a nullifier, is computed from the stone’s secret and the date. The same stone gives the same tag on the same day, so a second claim is refused; it gives a new tag each day, so days cannot be linked. The open-source Semaphore protocol works this way on Ethereum. The chain learns that one member of the homeland claimed today, and nothing about which one.

What has been tried. Circles lets each member mint a personal currency, 24 a day, made exchangeable by trust. GoodDollar pays a daily basic income after a uniqueness check. Proof of Humanity registers people by video, deposit and vouch. BrightID analyses a social graph for fakes. World scans irises with a device called the Orb. Denaro’s stone takes the vouching road and refuses the body.

Open: nobody yet knows how to make one stone per person at the scale of the world without biometrics or a state. Vouching can be farmed; the defences (bonds paid back double, the confession rule, a few vouches per member a year, the bounty for proving a claim false, each homeland’s fixed share: sections 5 and 11) are untested in use, and a homeland’s count of stones could be checked against its public population figures. Also open: recovering a lost stone without letting its witnesses take it; the witnesses’ own privacy; and a gap in the design as written. The stone is also how a member holds a stake and votes (sections 7 and 8), so either “needed only to claim the daily wage” means “needed only for what is given and for being counted, never for trade”, or stakes and votes need a proof of their own.

11. Issuance, the commons and the whole

One token. There is one denaro, the same everywhere, with no regional coins and no sub-tokens. A denaro earned in Seoul is the same denaro spent in Lagos.

Three taps. New denari come into being in three ways, all daily:

1. The wage: one denaro to each stone that worked for its place that day (section 6).
2. The homelands’ allotment: a daily amount to each homeland, its share of the whole fixed once, at genesis, by its people then (below), and split among the homeland’s stakes by their parts (as placeholders, three for each of its people by descent wherever they live, three more for each of them living at home, and one for each resident of other descent), with a stated slice to the homeland’s commons.
3. The homecoming grant: to each member who has come home to live in their own homeland, as a placeholder a year’s wages in twelve monthly parts, once in each fifty-year cycle (section 5).

The multitude’s share is fixed at genesis the same way, at the homelands’ average per person then, so that naming no homeland makes no one poorer. The homelands are not currencies: they divide up who owns the one currency’s new issuance, as regional subsidiaries of one company all pay out in the same money. The wage is what everyone shares alike; the allotment is what a people holds as a people.

Shares fixed at the start. Paying by the head pays for births: a people that outgrew the others would take a growing share of everyone’s new money, and no money should pay a people to outnumber its neighbours. So each homeland’s share of the allotment is fixed once, at genesis, in proportion to its people as the map counts them then (section 4), and never grows. A birth or an arrival divides the share inside the homeland instead of enlarging it, as land was divided among heirs. Scripture did exactly this: the land was divided once by count, “to many thou shalt give the more inheritance, and to few thou shalt give the less” (Numbers 26:54), and then stayed with each tribe, “every one of the children of Israel shall keep himself to the inheritance of the tribe of his fathers” (Numbers 36:7), never divided again for growth. A parting divides its homeland’s share between the parts by their people, and a union adds the shares, so neither a redrawn line nor a birth enlarges any people’s slice. A people that grows is poorer per head; one that holds steady keeps its standard. The cost is that the count of 2027 is the world’s split for good, and that is the point: the money pays for steady peoples, not for numbers.

No cap. Supply grows with people and work. There is no fixed limit, because a cap would be an educated guess dressed as a law; Bitcoin’s creator called his own 21 million “an educated guess” (Satoshi Nakamoto, 12 April 2009). The price floats. The rules do not.

The commons. Each homeland has a treasury in denaro: its slice of the allotment, any restitution it is owed (section 9), and the allotments of stakes that nobody holds, such as a stake returned to a land where nobody now lives. The homeland’s own vote spends it: on the two denari for the stranger, on the place’s work, on the return of its own people.

How it is paid for. There is no sale, no presale, and no treasury bought with outside money. The wage and the allotment are new issuance, and everyone who holds denari pays for them a little, through dilution: if a million people claim the wage every day for a year, the wage alone issues 365 million denari. Whether a denaro buys anything depends only on whether people accept it for real goods and work, and the ration table (section 6) will show it. The chain’s fees are paid in GNOT, which a new claimant does not hold, so someone must pay them (section 13).

What stays stable, and what does not. The rules stay: the release date, the daily wage, the ban on selling stakes, the ban on lending, the limits on the stone. The price does not. Denaro is not pegged to any currency, cannot be redeemed and can lose value. Nothing here is for sale.

Open: the size of the allotment (a fixed amount per stake part per day, or a fixed ratio to each day’s wages); the commons’ slice; how each people and the multitude are counted at genesis, and who checks the counts; the first year’s allocation (section 15); whether the people who build Denaro are paid at all, and how. This draft plans no allocation to founders or builders. If one is ever made, no lock or vesting on it may run past the release.

12. Governance

No council. Denaro has no council, no board and no founders’ seat. Its governance is the votes the design already needs, and the rules that no vote can change.

Fixed. These rules are meant to be unmovable, written into the code wherever code can hold them:

• the release instant, Monday 1 October 2074, 12:00 UTC, and the rule after it: 12:00 UTC on the Day of Atonement of every fiftieth year;
• the genesis line: the constants written into the first block, the release date among them;
• one wage per stone per day, the same for the native and the foreigner, with no rule excluding anyone by origin;
• stakes are never sold, and every lease ends at the release;
• Denaro never lends;
• no lock or vesting passes the release, the founders’ included;
• the stone is never needed to hold, send, buy or sell, and no biometrics are ever taken.

Decided by each homeland, by its own vote: its register (recognition, contests, joiners by vow); its commons; consent to changes in its lines; and, within the fixed rules, what counts as work for the place (open, section 6).

Decided by the world: disputed border changes and findings of force, by the 1:1:1 vote (section 8).

Placeholders. Every number here will change:

How the code changes. On gno.land a published program cannot be replaced at the same address (gno.land VM keeper, v1.7.0); a new version is a new program. That suits the fixed rules, and leaves a question: how Denaro would move its state to a corrected version, by whose vote, carrying which rules unchanged.

Open: the upgrade path; and whether any standing role is needed at all. If one is, the cautions already written down for it apply: tiny, listed powers; lots and term limits rather than founders; and a legal wrapper.

13. Implementation on gno.land

Why gno.land. Denaro is meant to live on gno.land, a blockchain whose programs are written in Gno, a language close to Go. A program that keeps its own data on the chain is a realm. GNOT pays for gas, the chain’s measure of computing work. The chain’s draft constitution lists among its mandates “Aim to be perfect to serve one thousand years” and “Do not require a name or identity for any core services” (gno.land draft constitution). A money with a fifty-year clock and an account that names no one needs both.

What exists today (November 2026). The main network (gnoland-1) has run release v1.7.0 since a coordinated upgrade on 30 October 2026 (release notes). A realm can issue its own coin under a name prefixed by its own path (chain standard library), or follow the GRC20 token standard (p/nt/grc20). Session accounts are live: a master key authorizes a second key to sign for it, limited by an expiry, a spending cap and a list of allowed calls, all enforced by the chain (design record). The standard library has the pairing check on the BN254 curve, the core arithmetic of zero-knowledge proof checkers (crypto/bn254), already used in a proof checker for a light client (a program that checks the chain’s answers against a few signed headers). Values a realm publishes can be proved to such a client, so a phone can check its homeland’s list without trusting a server. Denaro itself has a landing page, this paper and a sign-up list, and nothing on the chain.

What would be built. The Denaro realm: the coin, the release constant and the genesis line, the homelands and the multitude, the two taps, stakes and leases, the commons, the votes and the penalties. Two lists per homeland, each kept on the chain as one fingerprint: who lives there, for the wage, and who belongs there by descent, for the stakes. The claim: a zero-knowledge circuit (the fixed program whose correct run a proof attests), its checker in Gno, and the day’s tags, kept only for that day. Such proofs need a one-time setup ceremony, safe if any one participant destroys their share. Witness tools, so attestations are made between neighbours and proved inside the claim. A phone wallet that keeps the stone’s secret and makes proofs. Relayers, services that submit claims and pay their fees, so that a claim does not come from a known account.

Session keys and privacy pull in different directions. A session key acts as its master account: the chain shows the master as the caller. That suits everyday sending, where a phone should not ask for a password each time and a lost phone should lose little. It does not suit the wage, whose claim would then be tied to an account, so wage claims go through relayers.

Rough scale, not measured. The chain’s draft gas table charges about 1.8 million gas for the pairing check one proof needs (native gas table); call a whole claim 3 to 10 million. A block holds at most 3 billion gas, and blocks came about every three and a half seconds in November 2026, so one chain doing nothing else could carry roughly 7 to 25 million claims a day: the wage of millions, not of billions. Past that, many claims must share one proof, or spread over more chains.

Amounts are 64-bit integers. gno.land counts coins in 64-bit whole numbers, which top out near 9.2 quintillion. Divided into a million parts, a wage paid to eight billion people a day would overflow the total in about three years; divided into a hundred parts, in about thirty thousand. The unit’s precision must be chosen with that in mind.

Open engineering questions.

• One stone per person at scale (section 10).
• The hash inside the proof. Poseidon, the hash such proofs usually use, is not in Gno’s standard library, and its gas cost in Gno is unmeasured; SHA-256, which is built in, is slow to prove on a phone.
• Sunset by homeland: computed in the realm, or read from a published table.
• Sanctioned territories. A claim to a homeland’s wage says where the claimant lives (section 14).
• Lasting to 2074. The chain, the wallets and the proof system must last forty-eight years, or Denaro’s state must be able to move, which would itself be a governance act (section 12). The release rule and the genesis line are written so that a successor chain could honour them. The curves used today, BN254 for proofs and ed25519 for keys, are not expected to survive a large quantum computer (NIST post-quantum cryptography), so a design meant for 2074 must plan to change its cryptography at least once.

14. Law and risk, honestly

This section names questions; it is not legal advice. None has been answered yet, and each needs counsel before genesis.

The word “stablecoin.” The US GENIUS Act (Public Law 119-27, approved 18 July 2025) defines a payment stablecoin as a digital asset used for payment whose issuer must redeem it for a fixed amount of money and says, or leads people to expect, that it will hold a stable value against such an amount (section 2(22)). Denaro has no issuer’s promise, no redemption and no peg. The Act makes it “unlawful to market a product in the United States as a payment stablecoin unless the product is issued pursuant to this Act” (section 4(e)(3)(A)), with fines of up to $500,000 per knowing and willful violation (section 4(e)(3)(B)), from 18 January 2027 (section 20; OCC Bulletin 2026-50). So Denaro is not a payment stablecoin and must not be marketed as one after 18 January 2027, and no copy should lead anyone to expect a stable price.

Securities. Under the US Supreme Court’s Howey test, a contract is a security when people put money into a common enterprise and are led to expect profits from the efforts of others (SEC v. W. J. Howey Co., 328 U.S. 293). Denaro sells nothing: the wage and the allotment are given, and stakes are never sold. Leases are the hard part. A lease sells a stake’s income for a term, and its buyer expects income, so whether a lease is a security is the first question for counsel, and the referral bonus (section 15) the second. Under MiCA, the EU’s crypto-asset regulation, Denaro refers to no currency or asset, so it is neither an e-money token nor an asset-referenced token (Regulation (EU) 2023/1114, article 3(1)(6)-(7)). Its offer rules spare a crypto-asset “offered for free” (article 4(3)(a)), but not where people must give the offeror personal data in exchange; does vouching count? Admission to a trading platform needs a white paper in MiCA’s form (articles 4(4) and 5(1)).

Money transmission. In the United States, FinCEN’s 2019 guidance (FIN-2019-G001) treats a business that accepts and transmits virtual currency as a money transmitter. When a decentralized application does that, the rules can reach the application, its operators, or both; merely publishing software is not transmission. Are relayers, wallet makers, anyone who exchanges denari for other money, or the keepers of a homeland’s commons money transmitters?

Tax. The wage will usually be income. The IRS treats virtual currency as property, and payments for services in it as income at market value (Notice 2014-21); it treats tokens received as rewards as income once the holder controls them (Revenue Ruling 2023-14). Is a protocol grant income or a gift in each country, who reports it, and how are people with little income spared the burden?

Personal data. Data about a person’s descent is likely to fall within the special categories of the GDPR’s article 9, which may be processed only with explicit consent or on another listed ground (GDPR). The site’s optional “Where are your roots?” field, the registers and the records of who vouched for whom may all be such data, which is why the registers stay with the people and the chain holds only commitments. Are the commitments personal data too, who controls a register, and how is the right to erasure (article 17) honoured?

Discrimination. Allotments by descent may meet anti-discrimination law where access to goods or services depends on a person’s origin, as under the EU’s Race Equality Directive (Directive 2000/43/EC). The wage asks no descent and the door is open by vow. Counsel must say whether that is enough, country by country.

Sanctions. The homelands cover sanctioned territories: Iran, North Korea, Cuba and the occupied regions of Ukraine. The US Treasury says sanctions apply to virtual currency exactly as to other money (OFAC, Sanctions Compliance Guidance for the Virtual Currency Industry, October 2021), and privacy software has itself been sanctioned: the US listed the Tornado Cash mixer in 2022 and lifted the listing in March 2025, after an appeals court held that its immutable contracts were not property that could be blocked (Venable LLP). Can sanctioned homelands’ wages and allotments lawfully wait in escrow in their commons, what must relayers and wallets refuse to carry, and can people subject to US or EU law run a private claim system at all?

Other risks. Denaro pays people to go home, as Sweden, Denmark and the United States already do (section 2), and some will call it remigration. The difference is whose money it is and what it asks: it is new money held by the person’s own people, it is never a condition of staying anywhere, and no one’s wage depends on their origin. Whether a grant by descent is lawful in each country is a question for counsel (Discrimination, above). States whose maps differ from the draft (over Tibet, Taiwan, Kashmir, Crimea, Western Sahara) may block it. Registers can be captured and witnesses pressured. Code can fail and keys be lost. A denaro can fall to nothing.

15. The plan

Why Pentecost. It is the fiftieth day (Leviticus 23:15-16), on which “each one heard them speaking his own language” (Acts 2:6): many peoples, one gift. The horn of Leviticus 25:9 is kept for the release.

The first year. From Pentecost 2027 to Pentecost 2028 the registers form. The first year’s allocation goes to everyone living in a homeland by Pentecost 2028, and members who have come home by then count their home weight for the whole year: the first year pays those who return early most.

The referral tree. Everyone who signs up on the site gets a link of their own. Whoever signs up through it is counted as brought by them, whoever those people bring as brought by those people, and so on: a referral tree. The tree will be used to determine a bonus when Denaro begins, as the site says. Nothing is paid to sign up or to bring anyone, so the bonus rewards bringing people, never buying in. In law it may still be a sale. The SEC found that handing out tokens “in exchange for services designed to advance” the issuer’s interests was an offer and sale of securities (Tomahawk Exploration, 14 August 2018), and MiCA does not count a crypto-asset as offered for free where the offeror receives “monetary or non-monetary benefits in exchange” for it (article 4(3)). So the bonus’s form waits for counsel (section 14), and nothing here promises its size or any price.

Open: whether the first year’s allocation is that year’s allotment, held until the registers settle and paid at Pentecost 2028, or a separate one-time distribution, and how descent weighs in it; the referral bonus (what it is, how far down the tree it counts, and whether a sign-up counts only once it holds a stone); the first window for border changes; and the schedule itself. Six months from this draft to genesis is short. If the private claim is not ready and audited by Pentecost 2027, genesis could still happen on the day, with the release constant, the genesis line and the registers, and the wage could switch on once the claim is safe: the date fixes the genesis, not the first wage. That fallback is a proposal, not a decision.

16. What this paper does not claim

This paper is not an offer to sell anything, and nothing in it is for sale. There is no Denaro token yet, and nothing here is financial, legal or tax advice. The paper does not claim that Denaro is lawful everywhere: section 14 names the questions counsel must answer before genesis, and whether a lease is a security comes first. Denaro is not a bank deposit, and no one insures it. It is not pegged to any currency, cannot be redeemed and can lose value. The dates are a count we chose, not a prophecy; the dates in the code are commitments, not forecasts. The map is a draft for the peoples to draw. Like the site, this paper is a sign-up sheet for an idea.

Glossary

• Allotment. A homeland’s daily new money: its share of the whole fixed at genesis by its people then, divided among its stakes by their parts.
• Commons. A homeland’s treasury in denaro, spent by the homeland’s own vote.
• Denaro. The currency, and its unit: one day’s wage. Plural denari.
• Homecoming grant. New money paid to a member who comes home to live in their own homeland: as a placeholder a year’s wages in twelve monthly parts, once in each fifty-year cycle.
• Homeland. The land of a people that calls it home, state or no state, as Denaro’s map draws it; in the code and the map’s data, a cell. A homeland is not a state, and its line is not a state border.
• Lease. The right to a stake’s allotment until the next release.
• Multitude. Those who fit no homeland: people of more than two peoples or of unknown roots, refugees, and anyone who will not name a homeland. The same wage, and stakes whose share was fixed at genesis at the homelands’ average per person.
• Nullifier. A daily tag from a stone’s secret: one claim a day, and days that cannot be linked.
• Realm. A program on gno.land that keeps its own data on the chain.
• Redemption. A member’s right to buy back a lease of their homeland’s stake from an outsider, at its value by the years left.
• Referral tree. Who brought whom to sign up on the site; it will be used to determine a bonus when Denaro begins (section 15).
• Release. Monday 1 October 2074, 12:00 UTC, then 12:00 UTC on the Day of Atonement of every fiftieth year (18 September 2124, 5 October 2174, and on): every lease ends and every stake returns to its own people.
• Stake. A share in one homeland’s allotment, commons and votes. Leased, never sold.
• Stone. One account per person, vouched for by neighbours and never by a state, its name known only to its holder.
• Wage. One denaro per stone per day of work for the place, witnessed and paid before sunset.
• Witness. A member who attests a neighbour’s work or vouches for a claim of descent, and answers for it.
• Zero-knowledge proof. A proof that a statement is true which reveals nothing else.

Draft v0.1, 8 November 2026.